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Native Police

The Native Police Corps was established in what is now known as the Police Paddocks in the southern part of Rowville. An initial attempt to set up the Corps under the command of Captain De Villiers was unsuccessful but in 1842 Superintendent Latrobe decided to try again and appointed Captain Henry Dana to lead the Corps. Dana was a very good leader and under his command the aboriginal troopers earned praise for their bearing, good discipline and effectiveness. From their headquarters in Rowville the Corps ranged all over the colony carrying out their duties.

ATTEMPTED MURDER IN THE POLICE PADDOCKS

On the evening of 18th March 1851 a shocking incident occurred at the head quarters of the Native Police Corps at Narre Narre Warren (now known as the Police Paddocks) which ruined the careers of two young officers and commenced a chain of events that ultimately led to the destruction of the corps.

At the centre of the drama were William Walsh and William Dana, the second and third officers in command of the corps.

The following report of the trial was published in The Chronicles of Early Melbourne.

ONE POLICE OFFICER SHOOTING ANOTHER – I8TH MARCH, 1851.

“William Hamilton Walshe was placed at the bar upon an indictment containing four counts, viz:- (i) shooting at Williarn A. P. Dana, on 14th January 1851, at Narre Narre Warren, in the district of Dandenong with intent to murder; (2) with intent to maim; (3) maliciously wounding; and (4) doing grievous bodily harm.

Mr. Stawell appeared for the prisoner.

The parties had been brother officers for six years in the corps of Native troopers.

About 10 p.m., Dana was walking near the Police Station, when Walshe rode up in a state of much excitement, and when three or four yards off Dana, discharged a pistol at him. The ball entering Dana’s right side under the ribs, passed through his body. A sergeant hearing the report found Dana stretched on his face and hands, and crying out that he was shot. Walshe was sitting quietly on horseback looking on, having a pistol in his hand. The sergeant turning to the horseman said, ” Mr. Walshe! you are a cowardly fellow to do this;” and Walshe’s answer was, “I wish more of them were in it.”

Walshe then coolly rode off to the stables, put up his horse, and retired to his quarters, where he was found by Trooper Tolmie with a carbine in his hand and “wishing he had another shot at Dana.” Though he presented the piece at the trooper he was disarmed, placed under arrest, and subsequently sent for
trial before the Criminal Sessions.

Dana remained for days in a condition of much danger.

It was elicited that the prisoner, who had not been long married, suspected the other of carrying on a clandestine correspondence with his wife, of which he accused him a few days before; but the next day they became reconciled and shook hands as friends. Even on the very morning of the shooting, Dana had lent Walshe a horse for his wife to ride out with him.

The prisoner, it was asserted, had been subject to fits of irritability and occasional eccentricity, superinduced, it was thought, by injuries received several months previously in a brush between the Native police and a tribe of blacks on the Murray. These infirmities used to be much intensified when he indulged in drink, and he was by no means a teetotaller. The defence was simply a plea of insanity, and several medical witnesses supported his theory. One of them, an M.D., was himself manifestly in a state, if not of “D.T.”, at least in something so very much approaching it, as to provoke a severe rebuke from the presiding judge. He was, however, most emphatic in regarding the prisoner “as mad as a hatter”.

The jury convicted on the fourth count, and the prisoner was sentenced to seven years’ hard labour. The judge, in a very feeling address, remarking that the circumstances were such as would justify a verdict on the first count, and had the jury so found, nothing would have saved the prisoner’s life. As to insanity, there was nothing in the evidence to sustain it, or to warrant a belief that the prisoner was not in full possession of his senses when he committed the heinous deed, or that he had ever been otherwise, except when under the influence of drink.”*

A PETITION FOR CLEMENCY

From the above account it would appear that jealousy, inflamed by alcohol, had pushed Walsh to shoot his fellow officer.

However, a subsequent petition for clemency claimed that the shooting had nothing to do with Walsh’s wife, Isabella, but was all to do with his sister, Sophia. But before going into that matter it is necessary to detail the blood and marital relationships between the commanding officers.

The commandant of the Corps was Captain Henry Dana who had been appointed to the position by Superintendent Charles La Trobe in 1845. One of Dana’s first decisions was to appoint his brother-in-law William Walsh as first officer and his 19 year old brother William to the position of second officer. So it was quite a family affair.

Sophia (Henry’s wife and William Walsh’s sister) lived at the head quarters in Narree Narree Warren and her four children were born there between 1845 and 1851. The fourth child, Augustus Pultney Dana, was born on 1st March 1851, 17 days before the commencement of his uncle’s trial.

Now, let’s return to the petition for clemency. Signed by William Walsh, his mother Mary-Anne and his wife Isabella, it puts forward an entirely different reason for William Walsh’s actions. In part, the petition claimed:
“That previously to the month of January last, it was currently reported that an improper intimacy existed between the said William Dana and Sophia, the wife of the said Henry Dana and sister of your petitioner William Hamilton Walsh …. That on this report reaching the ears of [Walsh] he immediately informed Henry Dana and demanded of him whether there was any foundation for so foul a scandal being disseminated respecting his wife and your petitioner’s sister … that Henry Dana scouted the idea and appeared to be so confident of the chastity of his wife that the apprehensions of your petitioner were quieted for a time … that immediately preceding the tenth of January last, the same report again reached your petitioner … in such a form and from such a source as to admit of little doubt in his mind that it was too true.”**

Four days after the 10 January Walsh shot William Dana.

After considering legal opinion, Superintendent La Trobe recommended that the petition be rejected. This was agreed to by the executive council in January 1852 and again in March.

Walsh was imprisoned in the Melbourne Gaol and later at Pentridge but in June 1852 the executive council agreed to his release on the grounds of his ill health and committed him to the care of his friends.

William Dana, meanwhile, recovered from his injuries and went on extended leave to England.

The removal of Walsh and William Dana – who had respectively commanded the first and second divisions of the corps – left a void in the leadership that was never satisfactorily filled. When Henry Dana fell ill while out in the field with his division in November 1852 and shortly afterwards died in the Melbourne Club, it was all over for the corps of Native Police.

According to a family friend, William Dana and his sister prevented Sophia from seeing her husband Henry as he lay dying in the Melbourne Club. Subsequently Henry’s will left virtually nothing to Sophia and by 1854 she and the children were penniless.

William Dana, on his return from England, provided for them and in November 1856 he married Sophia in Launceston.

Bryan Power

References:
*Garryowen (Edmund Finn), The Chronicles of Early Melbourne, Ferguson & Mitchell, Melbourne, 1888, page 390.
**Fels, Marie. Good Men and True: The Aboriginal Police of the Port Phillip District 1837-1853, MUP, Melbourne, 1988, page 203.

 LOCAL LEGEND DEBUNKED

Local legend has long held that the tall pine tree situated on the site of the Native Police Depot in the Police Paddocks had been planted by Lady Jane Franklin. Lady Franklin was the wife of Sir John Franklin who was the governor of Van Diemen’s Land from 1836 to 1843.

John Franklin joined the Royal Navy in 1800 at the age of 14 and accompanied Matthew Flinders on his voyage around Australia. He later served in the Battles of Trafalgar and New Orleans and led explorations seeking to discover whether or not there was a passage between the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans north of Canada. Upon his return to England following his time as governor of VDL he again set out – in 1845 – for Arctic waters to prove the existence of the North-west Passage. In September 1846 the expedition’s two ships became trapped in pack ice and by June 1847 twenty five expedition members, including Franklin, had died. The ships were crushed by ice and abandoned in April 1848. Rescue missions sent by the Royal Navy failed to locate any trace of the expedition and it was not until 1859 that a party financed by Lady Franklin discovered the remains of the crew members as well as the written records of their tragic fate.

In the following excerpt Melbourne historian, Dr Marie Fels, shows that it was not possible that Lady Jane Franklin was the person who planted the tree.

LADY FRANKLIN’S TREE

It is not a pleasant task for an historian to demolish a cherished community belief. The present bronze plaque in the Police Paddocks asserts that Lady Franklin planted a pine tree on her visit to Melbourne in 1839, and an existing pine tree on the site is believed to be that tree. Lady Jane Franklin, wife of the Governor of Van Diemen’s Land, did visit Melbourne en route from Hobart to Sydney in April 1839. She kept a diary of her journey, as did Dr Edmund Charles Hobson, a member of her party. There was no police station at the Police Paddocks in 1839; de Villiers’ 1838 Corps, which was located not at Dandenong but in Captain Lonsdale’s paddock in Jolimont, had lapsed more than twelve months before, and the site had not yet been selected for the Westernport Protectorate. Not only was there no police encampment, but there were unlikely to have been many Aboriginal persons at the site. It is apparent from the Journals of the Protectors William Thomas and James Dredge that there were large numbers of Aborigines in Melbourne in the early months of 1839, possibly partly out of a desire to know what the Government proposed in the setting up of the Protectorate to protect them.

On her first day in Melbourne, Captain Lonsdale took Lady Franklin to a corroborree attended by more than 400 Aborigines: her diary states that Mr Robinson (1) got them together. Her diary does not state specifically where this corroborree was held, but she notes that the Protector was living on the other side of the river on an elevation opposite Captain Lonsdale’s (that is, on the south side of the Yarra between the present Anderson Street and Punt Road).

Even had there been any Aborigines (not Native Police) at Dandenong for Lady Franklin to visit in the first few days in April 1839, such a visit would have been impossible anyway at that time. The distance was well over twenty miles of rough bush track, the usual route being Melbourne – Brighton – Cheltenham – Damper Flats (2) – Dandenong. This would have been an impossible journey to have made in those days without changes of horses – to Dandenong and back in a day. Lady Franklin’s diary does not mention camping out overnight and she could not have covered more than forty miles on horseback and attended a corroborree in one day. All the rest of her time on this short visit is accounted for in her diary. She could not have planted a tree at the Dandenong Police Paddocks on this visit.

It is of interest to note that another name has been associated with this tree that of Lady Stanley. Pasted inside the Dandenong Daybook is a note by Sergeant Crowe, Police Station, South Yarra, who inspected the book on 11 February 1959. Sergeant Crowe wrote that the Stud Depot was established in 1839 and that Lady Stanley placed a commemorative plaque on a pine tree. He gave no date, noting merely that the plaque was removed by vandals.

Given the strength of the oral tradition, the likelihood is that some distinguished female visitor planted a tree at some time at the Police Paddocks.

Footnotes:
(1) George Augustus Robinson was the Chief Protector of Aborigines in the Port Phillip District of New South Wales.
(2) Damper Flats was the area now known as Springvale.

This extract is reprinted – with the kind permission of the author – from
Fels, Marie: The Dandenong Police Paddocks – Early use as Native Police Headquarters and Aboriginal Protectorate Station, 1837 – 1853.

A copy of this book is available at the Rowville Library.

THE NATIVE POLICE CORPS IN ROWVILLE

This month’s local history article is an abridged extract from ‘Good Men and True: The Aboriginal Police of the Port Phillip District 1837-1853’ by Marie Hansen Fels. Dr Fels’ book is recognised as the most authoritative study of the Native Police Corps whose headquarters were established at ‘Nerre Nerre Warren’ – an area that is now known as the Police Paddocks in Rowville. A copy of Dr Fels’ book is available at Rowville Library. This extract is published with the kind permission of Dr Fels.
Bryan Power

The Wawoorong (1) and Bunerong (2) tribes had jointly selected Nerre Nerre Warren as the site for their Westernport protectorate head station. Robinson(3) and La Trobe (4) approved their choice, and Thomas(5) moved there in the first week of October 1840, with as many of the two tribes as he could induce to accompany him.
They shifted from Melbourne on the understanding that they would receive rations from the government, but, once settled, discovered that Thomas expected them to work for their means of subsistence. His dream, in line with the government’s aim, envisaged a people gradually being led to discover for themselves the virtues of a ‘civilised’ life, an order, routine and discipline organised around the imperatives of stock and land production; it was akin to the life of a European peasant, ploughing, sowing, harvesting in season, rearing animals, eating the products of their labour, and on the Sabbath, learning the scriptures and attending Divine Service. The children would attend school, and there was a hospital planned for the sick, and all the people’s needs would be taken care of in the village centred on the protector’s residence. Above all, they would not need to go to Melbourne, the source of all evil according to Thomas.
The people co-operated up to a point in the re-ordering of their lives. Thomas was called upon to furnish a progress report after a year, and the new overseer, George Bertram, reported as well on the state of the station on his arrival in January 1842. In a little over twelve months, the people had accomplished a good deal of work: a paddock of nine to ten acres had been cleared, fenced and grubbed, and two and a half acres sown to wheat, the remainder ploughed for potatoes. Five huts had been built of split logs, with wattle bark roofs, one each for the protector, the schoolmaster and the overseer, one for the three convicted men working as labourers, and one for the tools and stores. Most of this labour had been done by the people, as one of the convicts acted as a personal attendant to Thomas, and one was more or less constantly employed working the bullocks bringing supplies up from Melbourne. Thev had accomplished much.
They refused, however, to work endlessly six days a week, month in month out, clinging rather to the old pattern of seasonal movement around their countries from one favoured location to another; and what is perhaps more important, the men did not like the work, regarding agricultural work as women’s work and therefore degrading. Thomas was helpless in the face of their refusal to stay permanently at Nerre Nerre Warren and asked Robinson whether he should stay at the protectorate head station with no one home to protect, or follow the people in their migrations, which now included a season in Melbourne. The paradoxical situation had arisen that though the government had designated Nerre Nerre Warren as their home, the people refused to live at home permanently. They preferred their own vision of the good life, where home was a series of familiar places visited in an orderly annual cycle. In home, were the roots of their identity as person and as a member of a group; to home, they had sacred obligations; at home, they taught the children, and grew them up to full personhood. Home was now partly destroyed in that some parts of it were built over, fenced in, transformed by intruding animals, but the people could not be kept from their definition of home by the lure of a European home. Especially as the European home situation demanded labour for subsistence rations as well as permanent residence. At Nerre Nerre Warren, the children, the sick and the elderly were rationed, while everyone else worked for their food, except on the Sabbath when everyone was fed in return for attending Divine Service.
It was into this uneasy and unresolved struggle for the terms of existence that Robinson and Dana rode on 24 January 1842, bearing a proposal for yet another kind of living – policing as a way of life. On that day, there were only forty eight persons resident of a combined Warwoorong and Bunerong population of about two hundred. Robinson introduced Dana (6) as the military officer and outlined the plans for establishing a Corps of police: he emphasised the benefits to be gained.
Dana selected eight men, and messengers were sent out to gather in the rest of the two tribes. There was no work done over the ensuing few days, Thomas wrote, as ‘all the blacks are agog to be policemen’. The selected men received rations immediately, and two of them commenced duty straight away as escort to the station overseer, who left for Melbourne to collect more convict labourers to build barracks. Everyone was inquisitive, Thomas said, to know what advantages the police were to receive, what kind of uniforms and so on.
Dana remained for the best part of a month at Nerre Nerre Warren, getting to know the people, assessing and selecting his men. He drew rations for individuals immediately they were selected, one and a half pounds of beef daily, plus one pound of flour, one and a half ounces of sugar, two ounces of tea and a quarter of an ounce of soap; he attended Divine Service with them in a body, and was much struck by their attention.
Not till La Trobe sent the uniforms up from Melbourne was any move made to formalise the enrolment of the police – it was by the things that they received that they were marked out from other men. The uniforms arrived in the third week in February, for each man a pair of blankets, a pair of trousers, one blue frock, one blue shirt, one police jacket, one police belt, and one police cap; it was a selection of European clothing very similar to that which the seven men requested and received as a reward for capturing the Van Diemen’s Land Aborigines. Dana distributed the clothing on 23 February and next day solemnised the enrolment with a formal swearing in ceremony.
The men were lined up, dressed in their new uniforms, to listen to an address from Dana, Thomas interpreting his words to the men in their own languages. Though Thomas’ and Dana’s accounts do not mention an audience, it is difficult to imagine that the rest of the people, who had displayed such inquisitiveness about the terms of policing, were not present, especially as Thomas recorded that the formalities occupied ‘some hours’ and were conducted with ‘much form’. Dana explained to the men his source of authority, outlined his intentions for the Corps and his expectations of them as individual members, and listed the benefits they would receive in return. He spelled out the consequences of their breaking their agreement, and cautioned them only to enter into the contract if they wished, and not to do so if they could not consent to be ‘like a policeman’. They were also told that where their captain resided they must reside, unless ordered upon some duty, that one white man at least would accompany them with instructions from their captain, and that they were to obey him as though he was their captain.
The terms of policing were explained generally to the whole group assembled, then separately to each individual. After the talking, each man was individually sworn in and asked to make his mark on the muster roll, in the presence of witnesses, and here a slight hiccup occurred in the proceedings. Billibolary (7) hesitated. Thomas
quoted him as saying: ‘I am King; I no ride on horseback; I no go out of my country; young men go as you say, not me’. Whatever the cause of his hesitation, Billibolary overcame it, spoke to his men and made his mark, whereupon each man made his mark in turn.
Thomas and Dana both put on record their confident expectations that the Corps just enrolled would be a success, Thomas noting particularly that kindness to the men needed the balance of determination on the part of their leader and proper management, and Dana that the men needed proper clothing and equipment, as well as horses, and if these were supplied by the authorities, they would become a most useful body of men, equal to any task asked of them by the authorities.
Footnotes:
1. Also known as the Yarra Yarra tribe.
2. Also known as the Westernport tribe.
3. George Augustus Robinson, Chief Protector of Aborigines.
4. Charles Joseph La Trobe, Superintendent of the Port Phillip District.
5. William Thomas, Assistant Protector of Aborigines.
6. Henry Dana, Commandant of the Native Police Corps.
7. Chief of the Wawoorong tribe.

THE NATIVE POLICE CORPS IN ROWVILLE – Part Two

Daily Routine
The only certain knowledge of what a day was like in the life of an Aboriginal trooper comes from the Daybook, which mentions only that parades and training were held at 11 am and 2 pm. There is no information about meals, hours of rising and so on. There exists, however, a description of the daily routine of the Victorian Mounted Police at the Richmond barracks in 1853, just after the Native Police Corps vacated it. Mrs Charles Perry, wife of the Bishop of Melbourne, living in the 1840s in one of La Trobe’s cottages in Jolimont, wrote that she often saw a dozen or so native police drilling on horseback in the paddock at Richmond. It is likely that there was at the time, a standard routine for a cavalry unit, be it white or black.
The daily routine at Richmond was as follows: a trumpet call signalled the hour of rising, 5.30 am in summer, 6 am in winter (at Nerre Nerre Warren, this duty was probably performed by the European drummer boy George Brown). The horses were saddled and ridden quietly down to the Yarra a mile away to drink, and on return to the stables were cleaned and fed. This occupied the time till 8 am, when the men breakfasted. At 10 am men and horses paraded in the paddock, then drilled for two hours. After this training session there was the inevitable cleaning of horses and accoutrements, then dinner. At 2 pm there was another parade, this time of the men only, on foot, followed by two hours drill (at Nerre Nerre Warren, this afternoon session often included firing practice, and sword drill). At 4 pm the horses were taken to the river again to drink, were cleaned again, fed, and the trooper’s labours for the day were concluded. There is no mention of an evening meal, but presumably the men ate again.

The Winter Months at Headquarters
In the absence of the two active divisions in the field during the winter months (1), life at headquarters seems to have been fairly relaxed. Those remaining at Nerre Nerre Warren included the senior non-commissioned officer in charge, usually the sergeant major, new recruits, the wives of police and their children, the tailor and the bullockdriver. For several years in succession, it appears that the first priority, once the divisions were away, was recreation – the sergeant major and the men went hunting. The sergeant and the men are described at various times as ‘hunting bears for Mr Powlett’ (2) (10 March 1851); ‘hunting kangaroo’ (7 August 1846); ‘shooting ducks’ (14 October 1848); ‘shooting pheasants’ (1 May 1851). They also collected native plants in the Dandenongs for La Trobe (3), the musk plant in particular (3 September 1845, 13 August 1846, 22 August 1847, 7 October 1847).
The sergeant-major acted during winter as a director of traffic in and out of the station; in Henry Dana’s (4) absence, he maintained regular communication with the divisions out in the field through two despatch riders. They must have been a familiar sight in the country areas, for in addition to the letters they carried despatches from La Trobe to his commissioners of crown land, from La Trobe to Dana in the field, from La Trobe to police magistrates in the country, and, as well, the whole of the private mail to GippsIand in the early years after the overland route was opened up. In addition, travellers to Gippsland expected and received an escort of native police until Dana finally objected. He wrote to La Trobe requesting that no trooper or troop horse be allowed to escort private individuals to and from GippsIand under any pretence whatever without an express order from La Trobe. Dana explained that he was asked constantly for such an escort, and that he had provided it in several instances, but he did not consider it to be the proper duty of the Corps, and besides, it was over a line of country where more men and horses were injured than in any other duty. La Trobe minuted his letter ‘Given’. The police, however, continued to escort distinguished travellers, such as the Bishop of Melbourne, on his journey to Gippsland. All this traffic was routed through Nerre Nerre Warren, requiring constant attention to men and horses by the sergeant-major. On occasion, prisoners were escorted from the country by the police, and sick police were escorted from duty in the field down to Nerre Nerre Warren, and thence on to the colonial surgeon in Melbourne.
In between all this activity, parties of gentlemen visited the station to go hunting. The commissioner of crown land for Westernport called regularly on his rounds, sometimes borrowing a horse and leaving behind a lame or tired horse. Horses belonging to the administration and horses which were the personal property of La Trobe were spelled on the station; they had to be caught and walked down to Melbourne. La Trobe’s cows were regularly sent up to Nerre Nerre Warren, and had to be walked back in due course. Between all the coming and going, the sergeant drilled the new recruits; the tailor worked his way through the production of two sets of uniforms each year for the men, a summer suit and a winter suit.
Of the wives and children of the police, it is known only that they were there; there is an occasional reference to the distribution of blankets to them, and rations, but apart from that, no evidence attesting to the terms of their living was recorded by the male keepers of the record. There is one small piece of external evidence which suggests that the women were anything but passive victims of white or black domination. Gellibrand (5) was on terms of intimacy with a number of upper class European families, including the McCraes at Arthur’s Seat (behind Dromana on Port Phillip Bay). Georgiana McCrae recorded in her journal on 1 November 1848 that Gellibrand visited, and complained of not getting paid; he thought that the troopers’ women might go to La Trobe to seek their men’s ‘white money’. (The corporals were paid monthly, at the end of the month, in coin; perhaps the October 1848 pay was late.) If this proposed action of the women was typical, then it seems that the police wives were confident and assertive in managing the interests of their families.
A reading straight through of the one-line entries of the Daybook leaves the distinct impression that the headquarters itself in Nerre Nerre Warren functioned in the administrative economy of the day as a kind of clearing house for persons, animals, and pieces of paper. It is surprising that it is so invisible to the present, that the place as well as the people have been lost sight of. In the course of their duties, La Trobe and Lonsdale (6), the commissioners of crown land for Westernport and GippsIand, the protectors and the chief protector, the magistrates and justices of the peace under whom the police operated in the field, the commandant and the orderlies of the mounted police, the commissariat commissioner, the government medical officers, later, the commissioners on the goldfields, the superintendent of Pentridge Prison, the heads of government departments when the men of the Corps replaced the British Army as La Trobe’s orderlies – all these people knew the native police and dealt with their headquarters in the course of their duties.

Footnotes:
1. The Native Police Corps operated in all parts of the colony but principally in the Western District and along the Murray.
2. Frederick Powlett was the Commissioner of Crown Lands for the Westernport District.
3. Charles La Trobe was the Superintendent of the Port Phillip District and later the Governor of the Colony of Victoria.
4. Henry Dana was the Commandant of the Native Police Corps.
5. Gellibrand (native name Beruke) was one of the corporals of the Corps.
6. Captain William Lonsdale was the first administrator of the Port Phillip District. Lonsdale Streets in Melbourne and Dandenong were named in his honour.
Bryan Power

Published in the December 2001 and February 2002 (Nos 222 & 223) editions of the Rowville-Lysterfield Community News

The Native Police Cemetary

Much has been written about the Native Police Force which was stationed at Rowville in the Police Paddocks between 1838 and 1852 but little seems to be known about the nearby cemetery where many troopers and other natives were buried. The true location of the cemetery is still not known beyond dispute. 

Mr Peter Gardner of Ensay has researched the little known cemetery quite extensively.

Thanks also go to Mr David Clark of the Victoria Archaeological Survey who provided the initial information researched by Peter Gardner.

In his letter to the editor, Mr Gardner pointed out that, while 20 individuals are now known to be buried in the cemetery, a closer perusal of other sources will probably make the final list of names closer to 30.

The Burial Place of Bungeleen

As an historian specialising in the study of the Kurnai people of Gippsland, my interest in the cemetery at the Stud Road Native Police Station was first inspired by my desire to find the burial place of the Gippsland Aborigine, Bungeleen. The story of Bungeleen has been told elsewhere and is basically a morbid tale. He and his family were brought to Stud Road in June 1847 and held as hostages for a white woman supposedly held by the Kurnai in Gippsland. At Stud Road, Bungeleen was treated brutally, being chained to a tree and then locked up for a considerable time. One wife, Mumbalk died and the second, Parley was claimed by other Aboriginies at Stud Road to have been taken from the Westernport people many years ago. G.A. Robinson investigated these claims and found Bungeleen’s lubra and two young sons were taken to Melbourne from the Stud Road Depot. It is interesting to note that this corresponds closely with the folk history of Stud Road as related to me by Mrs Bartlett who lived on the site in the early 1930s.

Bungeleen died on the 21st November 1848 at Stud Road and was buried the following day when “all the men on the station attended”. (Stud Road Police Day Book). His death, according to Mrs Bartlett, was of a “broken heart” and because he was an important Aborigine (a “chief” of Gippsland), a fence was erected around his grave. Later on a pine tree was planted on the grave and it was this pine tree growing from the fenced grave site that was remembered by Mrs Bartlett and marked on the 9th July 1981.

What the folk history of the Stud Road Police Station has failed to retain was the deaths of all the other Aborigines on the Station and the fact that a substantial cemetery existed there. The Stud Road Police Day Book records the deaths of ten Aborigines, including Bungeleen, who were buried at the Depot between 1845 and 1853. The book does not record the wife of Bungeleen or any children being buried. Also there are no records of burials on the station for the periods 1837-1838 and 1842-1845. It is therefore possible that as many as twenty individuals were buried at the Native Police Station cemetery.

Though there is no doubt about the existence of the cemetery, there are problems associated with the exact location of it. Also the grave with the fence was not that of Bungeleen but that of Corporal Buckup of the Native Police. The flood prone flats along the Dandenong Creek seem unsuitable as a cemetery site. Mrs Bartlett located the pine tree grave about 400 metres almost due west of the old house (now demolished). She insisted that the pine tree was towards the setting sun and near a small creek on the flat but the Churchill National Park Ranger, who has also lived in the area a long time, said that the pine tree grave was located to the south of the old house near Brady Road. This tree is still standing, although a large drainage ditch has been cut beside it. Finally there is the possibility that Bungeleen, for some reason, was not buried in the cemetery. However the grave of Corporal Buckup must have been interred within the cemetery confines.

It seems unlikely that the cemetery will be located with any degree of accuracy beyond what has already been done by Mrs Bartlett. The site recently marked with a steel post is of considerable historical significance. As it is possible that in the future the area will be drained and reclaimed as playing fields, the site should be preserved and some suitable marker or monument placed upon it. This should include the names and dates of death known and a brief resume of the tragic account of Bungaleen. In the long run all of the former Native Police Station and, in particular, the historical sites, should be preserved within the boundaries of an extended National Park.

Individuals Buried at the Stud Road Native Police Cemetery

[table here]

Bibliography:

1. Gardner P.D. “The journals of de Villiers and Warman” in Victorian Historical Journal, v.50 (1979) p.89
2. Gardner P.D. ” A Melancholy Tale” in Victorian Historical Journal, v.52 (1981) p.101
3. Mrs Irene Bartlett Letters 7 May 1981 & 18 May 1981
4. Stud Road Police Station Day Book, Public Records Office, Laverton 5. W. Thomas Papers Ms214 Mitchell Library, Sydney and in the papers of the Aboriginal Protectorate, P.R.O. Laverton
6. G.A. Robinson Papers (as for Thomas)
7. Mrs Irene Bartlett, interview 9 July 1981
8. Mr Bill Garner, Churchill Park ranger, interview May 1981

Reprinted in the April 1993 edition of the Rowville-Lysterfield Community News from “The Knox Historian” Vol 1 No 3 with the permission of the Knox Historical Society.

First published in – Gardner PD, “Through Foreign Eyes; European Perceptions of the Kurnai Tribes of Gippsland”, Second edition 1994. This book can be purchased from Ngarak Press, Ensay, Vic, 3895. RRP $15.

WILLIAM DANA

In the May 2004 edition of the R-LC News I published a story under the title Attempted Murder in the Police Paddocks. The story recounted the shooting of William Dana by a brother officer, William Walsh, and raised questions about the good character (or otherwise) of Dana.
The following extracts from The Chronicles of Early Melbourne recall two episodes that occurred when William Dana was aged 19 and 20 respectively. Dana was 25 when shot by Walsh and 30 when he married his brother’s widow Sophia, the alleged key person in the shooting incident. (Attempted Murder in the Police Paddocks is also published in the three volume set, Rowville and Lysterfield Stories, that is available at the Rowville Library.)
Bryan Power 

A HORSEWHIP THRASHING
On the 5th June 1845, William Dana was fined five pounds for thrashing Gideon Manton. Both belonged to the “swell” portion of creation, and Dana, hearing that the other had been talking too freely about him, knocked one evening at the residence of a Mrs. Musgrove, at Collingwood, where Manton was staying, and demanded an explanation. This was not given, and a horsewhip leathering was administered to the reputed maligner, who found refuge in a neighbouring house. (1)

A RUMPUS AT THE QUEEN’S THEATRE IN MELBOURNE
As a rule, the Queen’s was a paradise of propriety compared with the Pavilion; but on the evening of the 18th May 1846, however, there was a regular rumpus through the misconduct of
A POLICE PEACE BREAKER.
Mr. William Dana, brother of the Commandant of Native Police, of which force he was second officer, was, with a boon companion named Croker, comfortably enjoying a cigar in one of the boxes or dress circle. The “blowing of the cloud” soon attracted the olfactory attention of the proprietor (Mr. Smith), who rushed to the footlights, declared smoking to be prohibited, and requested the offending party to desist. Dana coolly replied, “He would see him hanged first,” whereupon Smith invoked the assistance of Sugden, the Chief Constable, who happened to be in the house, but he declined to interfere until there was a breach of the peace, with which he was soon gratified. Smith, summoning some of the employees to his assistance, proceeded to eject Dana, who showed fight, and cuffed and kicked all round, Croker remaining a passive, amused spectator. Smith was very partial to the display of large white shirt fronts, and in the fray one of these fineries was irretrievably demolished. Dana was at length overpowered and cast forth, when he fell into the clutches of another batch of Philistines the Chief Constable and some of the police by whom he was unceremoniously hauled off to the lock up, but was bailed out during the night. The next morning the case turned up before the Police Court, when Smith appeared to prosecute, and Mr. Stephen (Barrister) was defendant’s Counsel. The presiding Magistrates were the Mayor (Dr. Palmer) and Mr. James Smith; and on defendant being ordered to stand forward in the prisoner’s dock, he refused point blank to do so. The justices declared that they could not recognize any distinction of persons charged before them; but, as doubts were entertained as to their power to compel a person accused of making a disturbance to appear in the felons’ dock, they remanded the hearing for a few days, and renewed the defendant’s bail. The case was resumed on the 25th May, before two other Magistrates (Messrs. Henry Moor and M’Lachlan), when it was proved that, in addition to other improprieties on the evening of the fracas, Dana had given a general challenge to the dress circle to fight single handed all its occupants (ladies and gentlemen) in rotation, and that one man had not only accepted the challenge, but had thrown off his coat preparatory to engaging in hostilities, which the subsequent events prevented. A copy of a printed circular was put in to the effect that no smoking would under any circumstances be permitted during theatrical performances. The defence set up was that Dana was only smoking in the theatre, for doing which he had been roughly treated, that smoking in a theatre was not per se illegal, and, ergo, the original removal and arrest were illegal. In their decision the Magistrates adroitly evaded an opinion on the point of law propounded, and simply fined the defendant 40 shillings, and costs for resisting the constables in the execution of their duty. (2)

PHOTOS

(1) Garryowen (Edmund Finn), The Chronicles of Early Melbourne, Ferguson and Mitchell, Melbourne, 1888, page 966.
(2) Ibid, page 476.

Published in the April 2006 edition of the Rowville-Lysterfield Community News.

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